|
May 8, 2008
Recently,
Congress has been debating the Farm Bill Extension Act of 2007 and the
Food and Energy Security Act of 2007. Saxby Chambliss is the ranking
Republican on the Senate Agriculture Committee. He is a strong advocate
of preserving and expanding farm subsidies.
The vast
majority of food crops do not receive subsidies. Approximately ninety
percent (90%) of farm subsidies are paid to farmers of five crops: corn,
wheat, soybeans, cotton and rice. The majority of farm subsidies are
paid to companies, billionaires and multimillionaire commercial farmers
who make hundreds of thousands of dollars each year. According to the
USDA, record farm profits were recorded for 2007, and 2008 is expected
to be even better than 2007.
Since 1997,
political campaigns of Saxby Chambliss have received more than
$1,000,000 from agricultural PACs, farmers and farming organizations.
Allen Buckley
said: “Farm subsidies are a perfect example of what is wrong with our
government and our political system. They are an entitlement that should
not exist.” Mr. Buckley also said: “Given our country’s incredibly
erroneous financial and non-financial problems, the fact that Saxby
Chambliss spends a tremendous amount of his time and effort protecting
the farm subsidies racket is clear evidence that he is not effectively
serving Georgians or the United States. As part of the solution to our
nation’s financial problems, we need to wean American farmers off
subsidies.”
Specifics
of the scandal follow.
1. According to “ontheissues.org,”
on December 13, 2007, Saxby Chambliss voted NO on limiting farm
subsidies to people earning under $750,000. Specifics follow.
Vote on an amendment to bill H.R. 2419
(Farm, Nutrition, and Bioenergy Act): To improve the adjusted gross
income limitation and use the savings to reduce the Federal deficit.
Proponents support voting YES
because:
Sen. KLOBUCHAR: The focus of this
amendment is to make sure the subsidy and the safety net in the farm
bill go to the people whom it will most help; that is, family farmers.
The top 20 business recipients in the country have each gotten more than
$3 million under this farm bill. Under the current system, a part-time
farmer can have an income as high as $2.5 million from outside sources
and still qualify for Federal farm benefits. I do not believe we should
be handing out payments to multimillionaires, when these payments should
be targeted to family farmers. This amendment places reasonable limits
on the incomes of those who receive farm payments: If you are a
full-time farmer, you can get the subsidies as long as your income does
not exceed $750,000. If you are a part-time farmer or farm investor, you
can participate in farm programs if your income does not exceed
$250,000.
Opponents recommend voting NO
because:
Sen. CHAMBLISS: I am disheartened that
farm program critics continue to try to lead us into believing that
there is a vast army receiving benefits to which they are not entitled.
Stories about people receiving program benefits continue to make the
headlines. But most of the people I know in these situations don't
consider themselves wealthy. This debate is not about wealthy landowners
and millionaires receiving program benefits. It is really about farmers
in general, regardless of their economic situation, receiving program
benefits. A few short months ago the debate was about making payments to
millionaires and now we are at $750,000 and people want to go even
further. This amendment is actually an assault on everyday farmers; but
is disguised as an assault on wealthy landowners and millionaires.
2. According to a September 6, 2005
article by Tom Philpott in Bitter Greens Journal titled “Saxby Chambliss
and Family Values”:
For now, let’s just say that it’s no
surprise that Sen. Chambliss, whom I have already taken to task here and
here, is such a popular beneficiary of big-ag cash.
But his rock-solid support for commodity subsidies may also have a
familial angle. I learned from this interview that Sen. Chambliss’
son-in-law is one Joe Baker, owner of Baker Farms in Norman Park, Ga.,
and board member of the Georgia Fruit & Vegetable Growers Association.
According to the Environmental Working
Group’s invaluable Farm Subsidy Database, Baker Farms got about $171,000
in federal subsidies between 1995 and 2003, the great bulk of them from
the controversial cotton program.
Now, in the grand scheme, $170k isn’t
so very much. By comparison, Georgia’s top-20 most-subsidized farms all
received in excess of $2 million over the same period.
Still, comparing Baker Farms’ annual
take with that of the state of Georgia as a whole yields an interesting
trend: Baker Farms’ percentage share of its state’s total subsidy
allotment increases consistently over the period.
And that period--1995 to 2003--roughly
coincides with Chambliss’ ascent from member of the U.S. House (where he
was first elected in 1994) to his entry into the Senate (2002).
3. In 2005, Saxby Chambliss voted
against limiting subsidies to $250,000 per married couple. He based his
opposition on low commodity prices and high prices and weather related
disaster. He said “This is not the time to say to our farmers… we’re
going to change the program in midstream.” So, tough times apparently
was the rationale. As explained in the next item (4), The USDA recently
reported that 2007 was, by far, a record year for farm income, and 2008
expected to be even better.
4. According to the USDA: 2008 Net
Farm Income Is Forecast To Be At Record Level… Net farm income is
forecast to be $92.3 billion, up 4.1 percent above the $88.7 billion
farmers are estimated to have earned in 2007 and 51 percent above the
10-year average of $61.1 billion. …Net cash income at 96.6 billion is
forecast to be $9 billion above 2007, which was the previous record for
net cash income. …The story for 2008 is the value of crop production
which, at $175.5 billion, is forecast to exceed its previous record
(attained in 2007) by $25.9 billion, a 17-percent increase. Prices of
major crops (corn, soybeans, wheat) were trending upward in late 2007
and are expected to maintain those gains in early 2008 and perhaps go
higher.

Net cash
income is forecast to be $96.6 billion in 2008, up 10.3 percent from
2007 and $29 billion above its 10-year average.
Since about
1990, net cash income has not been as volatile as in earlier decades. A
continual upward trend in crop yields has contributed to higher
production. Increasing populations and rising standards of living
throughout many developing countries have kept demand strong for U.S.
agricultural commodities, both crop and livestock. This combination has
resulted in consistently higher net cash income over the last two
decades, as evidenced by net cash income generally exceeding its 10-year
moving average.
States that
are leading producers of corn, soybeans and wheat stand to benefit the
most with prices for their production rising faster than most other
commodities and their expenses rising roughly in line with those for
other crops. Thus, the Midwest and Corn Belt should be the big
beneficiaries.
If current
commodity and input market prospects hold for the remainder of the
calendar year, 2008 will be a record year for the value of crop
production, crop receipts, revenues from forestry and services, total
value of farm section production, gross value added, net value added,
net farm income, and production expenses for both purchased inputs and
payments to stakeholders. …This string of record and near-record
economic activity across so many components of the farm income accounts
is unparalleled in the last several decades, and both crop/livestock
operations and suppliers of services and inputs should share in U.S.
agriculture’s record economic showing. The past 4 years have witnessed
exceptional earnings for U.S. agriculture. Including the forecast for
2008, these values of crop and livestock production will each have
established new highs three times in the five most recent years
(2004-08).


5. According to the
Heritage
Foundation (in a July 25, 2007 article by Brian M. Riedl titled “The
Dirt on Farm Subsidies”): “Wheat, cotton, corn, soybeans and rice
receive nearly all of the subsidies.” (Note that, according to the USDA,
corn, wheat and soybeans are producing record profits.)
According to the Department of
Agriculture, the average farm household earns $81,420 annually and
enjoys a net worth of $838,875 -- both well above the national average.
Farm incomes are setting records, and the industry's business failure
rate is among the lowest.
Of course, some family farmers
continue to struggle. But if subsidies were really designed to alleviate
farmer poverty, then lawmakers could guarantee every full-time farmer an
income of 185% of the federal poverty level ($38,203 for a family of
four) for under $5 billion annually -- one-fifth the current cost of
farm subsidies.
Instead,
federal farm policies specifically bypass family farmers. Subsidies are
paid per acre, so the largest (and most profitable) agribusinesses
automatically receive the biggest checks. Consequently, commercial
farmers -- who report an average annual income of $200,000 and a net
worth of nearly $2 million -- collect the majority of farm subsidies.
Fortune 500 companies, celebrity “hobby farmers” and even some members
of Congress collect millions of dollars under this program.
These farm
policies are more than merely ineffective -- they impose substantial
harm. They cost Americans $25 billion in taxes and an additional $12
billion in higher food prices annually. …Cotton subsidies undercut
African farmers, keeping them in desperate poverty.
6. According to A December 18, 2007
article in the International Herald Tribune titled “WTO Releases
Official Ruling Against US Cotton Subsidies,” although the World Trade
Organization (WTO) ruled that cotton farm subsidies were illegal under
the WTO pact, the U.S. Senate joined the House of Representatives in
approving a new $286 billion farm bill that would leave cotton programs
largely intact for the next five years. Saxby Chambliss said: “Critics
of the U.S. Cotton programs and of all farm programs will no doubt call
for drastic changes to the farm safety net …Let me assure producers in
Georgia, across the cotton belt and the country that this will not
happen.” NOTE: There are approximately 121 million full-time workers in
the U.S. Thus, the $286 billion farm bill breaks down to more than
$2,300 per full-time worker.
7. According to Oxfam, 12,500 cotton
producers receive $3 billion of subsidies. The average is around
$240,000 per farmer.
8. According to an April 3, 2007
article by John Frydenlund of Citizens Against Government Waste (a
public charity) titled “Farm Subsidies: Myth and Reality”:
Despite the exaggerated claims that
are used to perpetuate these outdated practices, the reality is that the
current farm program structure helps the richest farmers get richer, but
doesn’t help small farmers stay on the land. It is also costly to
taxpayers and raises prices to consumers. By concentrating wealth in the
hands of the few, it undermines the economy of rural America. Finally,
it interferes with international commerce (which impacts the entire U.S.
economy) and hurts poor farmers in developing countries.
Myth: Farm subsidies are
necessary to preserve the “small family farmer.”
Reality: Farm subsidies amount
to little more than “welfare for the rich.”
For the past 70 years, the primary
justification used to defend farm subsidies has always been that they
are necessary to preserve the “small family farm.” The U.S. farm lobby
does everything possible to perpetuate this myth and the idea that farm
subsidies are also essential to assure an abundant food supply.
However, the truth is that farm
subsidies benefit the largest, wealthiest agriculture producers, not the
“small family farmer.” The subsidy payments really amount to corporate
welfare for the rich. The food supply argument is fictitious, since
there is either surplus production of every agricultural commodity or
supply control to prevent a surplus.
First, 60 percent of farmers don’t
even produce crops that are eligible for subsidies. More than 90 percent
of farmers either receive no subsidies or receive less than $2,000
annually.
Large farm operations, with ten
times the wealth of the average American family and annual incomes
averaging more than $230,000 -- four times the income of the average
American household -- receive most of the subsidy payments.
(Emphasis supplied.) In 1995, the top 10 percent of farm subsidy
recipients received 55 percent of total payments. By 2003, the top 10
percent of farm subsidy recipients collected 72 percent of total
subsidies and the top 5 percent collected 55 percent of payments. The
largest 10 percent of grain farmers, with an average net worth of $2.4
million, receive 50 percent of all grain subsidies. And, 60 percent of
sugar program benefits go to the wealthiest one percent of sugar
farmers.
Furthermore, 95 percent of landlords
don’t even farm, but they own 60 percent of U.S. farmland eligible for
subsidies. These absentee landlords collect subsidy checks directly from
the government, while also receiving much of their tenants’ subsidy
payments through higher rental rates. A November 2005 University of
Maryland study found that landlords captured up to 25 percent of the
total amount of subsidies.
Second, despite the record-setting
amounts of money that have been spent in the last decade on farm
subsidies, small farms that depend on farming for their livelihood
continue to disappear from the American landscape. According to the
USDA’s 2002 Census of Agriculture, there were almost 100,000 fewer farms
than in 1997 and average farm size increased from 431 to 441 acres. In
comparison, when farm programs began more than 70 years ago, there were
almost 7 million farms and the average size was less than 200 acres.
Myth: Farm subsidies are really
a good deal for the American taxpayers and
consumers.
Reality: Farm subsidies deliver
a double whammy to taxpayers and consumers.
Although farm subsidies have done
nothing to preserve the mythical “small family farmer,” they have cost
taxpayers a great amount of money, particularly in recent times. In some
cases, taxpayers get hit twice, because the commodity subsidies and
other farm programs, such as the dairy and sugar programs, also raise
prices to consumers.
From 1995 to 2004, farm subsidies cost
taxpayers $143 billion, averaging $14.3 billion annually. By comparison,
between 1990 and 1994, the average was $9.6 billion annually. Between
2002 and 2006, the cost to taxpayers for subsidies and so-called
disaster assistance rose to $100 billion, an average of $20 billion
annually. In 2005, the federal government paid out approximately $25
billion to subsidize producers of a handful of farm commodities, a year
in which U.S. cotton farmers alone received $4.2 billion.
From 2003 through 2005, farm subsidies
increased consumer costs by an average of $10.5 billion annually. In
2004, farm subsidy programs raised the cost of food to consumers by
$16.2 billion, which is really nothing more than a consumer food tax.
By keeping the price of milk
artificially high, federal milk marketing orders impose a $1.5 billion
annual “milk tax” on consumers, with the greatest impact on low-income
families with young children. The U.S. sugar program costs consumers
$1.9 billion annually in inflated prices for sugar and sugar-containing
products.
Myth: Farm subsidies are an
essential engine of economic development in rural areas.
Reality: Farm subsidies
actually undermine the rural economy.
Since farm subsidies redistribute so
much money from taxpayers and consumers to farm payment recipients, it
may seem counterintuitive, but farm subsidies are doing nothing to
promote the rural economy. Farm programs funnel money to those farmers
that produce certain commodities, which provides an incentive for these
farmers to increase production in order to receive more subsidies. One
of the best ways to accomplish this, of course, is to expand the farming
operation.
The drive to get bigger leads to more
farm consolidation. While productivity growth contributes to farm
consolidations, farm subsidies, which distribute benefits in proportion
to production or sales, play a very important role. As the Chicago
Council on Global Affairs noted in its report, “Modernizing America’s
Food and Farm Policy: Vision for a New Direction,” “Larger farm
operations have often invested money received from government program
payments in the purchase of even more farmland as well as newer, larger,
higher-tech machinery with which to cultivate the larger acreage.”
In those parts of the country that are
most dependent on farm subsidies, farm consolidation is moving the
fastest. Because farm program benefits are distributed in proportion to
the amount of sales, it makes it easier for larger farmers to acquire
their smaller neighbors.
Farm consolidation leads to fewer jobs
in all agriculture-related businesses in rural areas, including hardware
stores, implement and equipment dealers, and banks. Farm consolidation
also impacts other businesses such as grocery stores, and even affects a
community’s ability to support schools, hospitals, and churches. The net
result is that subsidies for growing certain commodities accelerates the
consolidation of farms and contributes to the loss of jobs and
population in rural areas.
In fact, according to a March 2005
study by the Center for the Study of Rural America at the Federal
Reserve Bank of Kansas City, “farm payments are not providing a strong
boost to the rural economy in those counties that most depend on them.
Job gains are weak and population growth is actually negative in most of
the counties where farm payments are the biggest share of income.”
Finally, the study concluded that
“farm payments are not yielding robust economic and population gains in
the counties where they should have the greatest impact. If anything,
the payments appear to be linked with subpar economic and population
growth.”
Myth: Farm subsidies are
necessary in order for U.S. farmers to compete in the international
marketplace.
Reality: Farm subsidies
undermine international trade and hurt the world’s poorest farmers.
U.S. farm programs are an obstacle to
expanding international trade opportunities, not just for the
agriculture sector, but for the rest of the economy as well. These
programs also hurt poor farmers in developing countries.
Farm subsidies distort markets by
encouraging farmers to grow surplus crops that undercut subsistence
farmers in developing nations that cannot afford to subsidize their own
farmers, which forces those countries to resort to retaliatory tariffs
to protect their own producers.
According to USDA, elimination of
trade-distorting subsidies in exchange for significant tariff reductions
could raise U.S. farm prices by 12 percent, increasing annual farm
earnings by as much as $13.3 billion. In particular, livestock and
specialty crop producers could enjoy significant increases in prices and
exports if trade barriers were reduced.
9. According to a December 9, 2003
article by Will Allen, Eddie DeAnda and Kate Duesterberg of the Organic
Consumers Organization titled “U.S. Cotton Subsidies: Killing Farmers &
Poisoning Consumers and Earth”:
Farmers don¹t rotate their crops.
Instead, they plant cotton back to back for 25 or 30 years in a row.
This practice causes tremendous environmental damage, because it
depletes the soil of nutrients. It also contributes to a huge increase
in damaging insects, mites and diseases since there is no break in the
insect cycle which rotation enables. This causes farmers to use more
chemical fertilizers and pesticides, which further poisons the soil and
the ground water.
The high concentration of acreage
ownership in the hands of a relative few farm corporations coupled with
high subsidies and the reluctance to rotate subsidized crops with other
cash crops causes enormous overproduction.
10. According to a June 19, 2007
article by Brian Reidl of The Heritage Foundation titled “How Farm
Subsidies Harm Taxpayers, Consumers, and Farmers, Too”:
The average farm household earns
$81,420 annually (29 percent above the national average); has a net
worth of $838,875 (more than eight times the national average); and is
located in a rural area with a low cost of living. The farm industry’s
current 11.4 percent debt-to-asset ratio is the lowest ever measured and
helps to explain why farms fail at only one-sixth the rate of non-farm
businesses. Overall, net farm income totaled $279 billion between 2003
and 2006—the highest four-year total ever. The farm economy is thriving,
and farmer incomes are soaring.
Farm subsidies over the past decade
have also been distributed to:
-
Fortune 500 companies, such as John Hancock Life Insurance ($2,849,799);
International Paper ($1,183,893); Westvaco ($534,210); and ChevronTexaco
($446,914).
-
Celebrity "hobby farmers" such as David Rockefeller ($553,782); Ted
Turner ($206,948); and Scottie Pippen ($210,520).

-
Members of Congress, who vote on farm subsidies, such as Senator Charles
Grassley (R– IA, $225,041); Senator Gordon Smith (R–OR, $45,400, plus a
25 percent ownership in three firms that received $2,114,622); and
Representative John Salazar (D–CO, $161,084).
Payment limits do exist on paper. Subsidies are restricted to farmers
with incomes below $2.5 million, and an individual's subsidy may not
exceed $180,000 per farm or $360,000 for up to three farms. However, an
entire industry of lawyers exploits loopholes, rendering these limits
meaningless.
The Overall Impact of Farm Policy
Although farm policies serve no legitimate purpose, they have profoundly
negative effects on tax-payers, consumers, and small farmers, including:
-
Higher prices. James Bovard once wrote, “For almost every farm
program, there is another equal but opposite farm program or provision.”35
Commodity subsidies encourage over-production and therefore lower
prices. The Conservation Reserve Program encourages underproduction and
thereby raises prices. Tariffs raise import prices. Export subsidies
lower export prices. Price supports triple the price of sugar and raise
the price of milk. Calculating the net effect of these contradictory
programs, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
estimates that U.S. farm policy raises food prices enough to cost
consumers an extra $12 billion annually in effect, an average annual
food tax of $104 per household.36
-
High taxes. As the farm economy booms, Congress is expanding farm
subsidies. After averaging less than $14 billion per year during the
1990s, annual farm subsidies have topped $25 billion in the current
decade since passage of the 2002 farm bill, the most expensive farm bill
in American history. All federal spending must eventually be funded by
taxes. Thus, these subsidies cost the average household $216 in annual
taxes in addition to $104 in higher food prices.
-
No added rural economic growth. A study by the Federal Reserve Bank of
Kansas City concluded that farm subsidies do not promote rural economic
growth. Between 1992 and 2002, the vast majority of the 783 “farm
dependent” counties experienced job growth below the national average.
In fact, more of these counties suffered outright job losses than
experienced job growth exceeding the national average.37
While critics can argue that growth would have been worse without
subsidies, these policies are clearly not creating new growth centers.
Farm subsidies are likely funding farm consolidations, which in turn are
reducing employment on farms and in related industries.
35 James Bovard, “Farm Bill Follies of 1990,”
Cato Institute Policy Analysis No. 135, July 12, 1990, at
www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pal35.html (June 8, 2007).
36 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development, Agricultural Policies in OECD Countries: At a Glance
(Paris: OECD Publishing, 2006), p. 69, Table 2.12. The 2003-2005 average
annual transfer from consumers was $12.285 billion.
37 Mark Drabenstott, “Do Farm Payments Promote
Rural Economic Growth?” Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Center for
the Study of Rural America, The Main Street Economist, March
2005, at
www.kc.frb.org/RegionalAffairs/mainstreet/MSE_0305.pdf (June
4, 2007).
11. According to FEC filings, from 1997 through March 31, 2008, the
following agricultural and food PACs have given the following amounts to
campaigns of Saxby Chambliss:
|
PAC |
Total
Contributions
|
|
American
Agrisurance Association |
$ 3,000 |
|
American
Association of Crop Insurers |
14,000 |
|
American Crystal
Sugar Company |
13,500 |
|
American Meat
Institute |
11,449 |
|
American Peanut |
25,000 |
|
American Peanut
Shellers Association |
32,750 |
|
American Soybean
Association |
2,000 |
|
American Sugar
Cane League of USA Inc. |
12,500 |
|
American
Sugarbeet Growers Association |
8,500 |
|
Anheuser-Busch
Companies Inc. |
6,500 |
|
Archer Daniels
Midland Company |
7,000 |
|
Arizona Dairymen |
2,000 |
|
Associated Milk
Producers Inc. |
6,000 |
|
Arizona Cotton
Growers Association |
3,750 |
|
BEEF-PAC |
8,375 |
|
Brown &
Williamson Tobacco Corporation Employees |
25,500 |
|
California
Cotton Growers Association |
2,250 |
|
California
Dairies Federal |
10,000 |
|
California Rice
Industry Association |
8,500 |
|
Committee
for/Adv of SE Cotton Southern Cotton
Growers
Inc./SE Cotton Ginners Assoc
|
17,000
|
|
Committee
Organized for Trading of Cotton-Paciation
of the
American Cotton Shippers Association
|
7,500 |
|
Concagra Foods
Good Government Association |
11,500 |
|
Continental
Dairy Products Inc. |
2,000 |
|
Continental
Grain Company |
1,000 |
|
Cotton Warehouse
Government Relations Committee |
3,000 |
|
Croplife America |
15,500 |
|
Dairy Farmers of
America |
29,000 |
|
Deer & Company |
13,000 |
|
ELECT-the PAC of
Alabama Farmers Federation |
12,500 |
|
Farm Credit
Council |
29,000 |
|
Farmers Group,
Inc. |
1,500 |
|
Farmers Rice
Cooperative Fund |
9,998 |
|
Farmland
Industries |
1,300 |
|
Feed
Industry/American Feed Industry Association |
2,000 |
|
Florida Farm
Bureau |
1,000 |
|
Florida Sugar
Cane League |
6,500 |
|
Flowers
Industries Inc. |
35,000 |
|
Food
Distributors Voice in Politics |
3,000 |
|
Food Marketing
Institute |
20,209 |
|
Food Products
Association |
3,000 |
|
Golden Peanut
Company, LLC |
2,000 |
|
Great Lakes
Sugarbeet Growers |
2,000 |
|
Grocery
Manufactures. Association |
7,500 |
|
Ice Cream Milk &
Cheese |
16,944 |
|
Imperial Sugar
Company |
1,000 |
|
JBS Swift &
Company |
5,000 |
|
Land O’Lakes
Inc./Agriliance |
3,500 |
|
Livestock
Marketing Association |
3,750 |
|
Lorillard
Tobacco Company Public Affairs Committee |
11,000 |
|
Louisiana Rice |
3,000 |
|
Maryland and
Virginia Milk Producers Cooperative
Association
Inc.
|
3,000 |
|
Miller Brewing
Company |
7,500 |
|
Minn-Dak Farmers
Cooperative |
7,000 |
|
National
Association of Wheat Growers |
1,500 |
|
National Beer
Wholesalers Association |
40,000 |
|
National
Cattlemen’s Association |
21,375 |
|
National Chicken
Council |
15,000 |
|
National Corn
Growers Association |
1,000 |
|
National Cotton
Council Committee for the
Advancement of Cotton
|
27,965 |
|
National Council
of Farmer Cooperatives |
6,500 |
|
National Grain
and Feed Association’s Fund for Better
Government
|
1,000 |
|
National Meat
Association |
2,000 |
|
National Milk
Producers Federation |
6,000 |
|
National Pork
Producers Council Pork |
10,394 |
|
National Potato
Council Potato |
1,000 |
|
National Turkey
Federation |
4,500 |
|
North Carolina
Cotton Producers Association |
2,000 |
|
North Carolina
Farm Bureau Federation Inc. |
2,000 |
|
North Carolina
Pork Council |
2,000 |
|
Panhandle Peanut
Growers |
2,000 |
|
Peanut Buying
Point (PBP-PAC) |
10,500 |
|
Peanut PAC of
Alabama |
8,000 |
|
Pilgrims Pride
Corporation |
21,000 |
|
Plains Cotton
Cooperative Association Employees |
1,000 |
|
Producers Rice
Mill Inc. |
4,500 |
|
R. J. Reynolds;
Reynolds American Inc. |
24,500 |
|
Riceland Foods |
7,500 |
|
Select Milk
Producers |
1,000 |
|
SmithField Foods
Inc. |
8,000 |
|
Southeast Milk
Inc. |
6,500 |
|
Southern
Minnesota Beet Sugar Cooperative |
11,500 |
|
Southwest Peanut |
2,000 |
|
Sugar Cane
Growers Cooperative of Florida |
3,000 |
|
Texas Farm
Bureau Friends of Agriculture Fund |
6,000 |
|
Tobacco
Institute |
500 |
|
Tyson Foods Inc. |
8,000 |
|
United Egg
Assoc. |
15,000 |
|
United Fresh
Produce Association Fresh |
6,000 |
|
United States
Beet Sugar Association |
3,000 |
|
U.S. Rice
Produces |
4,000 |
|
USA Rice
Federation |
5,000 |
|
Virginia-Carolina’s Peanut Membership Organization |
1,250 |
|
Western Peanut
Growers |
27,000 |
|
Total |
$833,259 |
A review of individual contributors to
campaigns of Mr. Chambliss shows that farmers all across the country,
and family members thereof, have contributed tremendous amounts to
campaigns of Mr. Chambliss since 1997.
According to C-SPAN Capitol Hill, as of April 4, 2008, PAC contributions
to the campaign of Mr. Chambliss from agricultural or food-related PACs
during the 2007-2008 election cycle included:
|
CONTRIBUTOR |
AMOUNT
|
|
National Cotton Council Committee for
the
Advancement of Cotton |
$ 500 |
|
Panhandle Peanut Growers PAC |
1,000 |
|
General Mills Political Action
Committee |
1,000 |
|
Conagra Foods Good Government
Association |
1,000 |
|
Publix Super Markets, Inc. Associates
Political
Action Committee |
1,000 |
|
Southern Minnesota Beet Sugar
Corporation,
Political Action Committee |
1,000 |
|
National Milk Producers Federation
PAC |
1,000 |
|
Anheuser-Busch Companies Inc.
Political
Action Committee |
1,000 |
|
National Council of Farmer
Cooperatives
Co-Op/PAC |
1,000 |
|
Committee Organized for the Trading
of Cotton—PAC
Of American Cotton Shippers
Association |
1,000 |
|
Great Lakes Sugarbeet Growers PAC |
1,000 |
|
Sugar Cane Growers Cooperatives of
Florida |
1,000 |
|
Deere & Company Political Action
Committee |
1,000 |
|
Land O’Lakes Inc./Agriliance LLC PAC |
1,500 |
|
National Association of Wheat Growers
Political Action Committee |
1,500 |
|
Farm Credit Council Political Action
Committee |
2,000 |
|
American Meat Institute Political
Action Committee |
2,000 |
|
United States Beet Sugar Association
Political Action Committee
|
2,000 |
|
Florida Sugar Cane League PAC |
2,000 |
|
American Sugarbeet Growers
Association
Political Action Committee |
2,000 |
|
Minn-Dak Farmers Cooperative
Political
Action Committee |
2,000 |
|
Miller Brewing Company PAC |
2,500 |
|
Elect-The PAC of the Alabama Farmers
Federation |
2,500 |
|
Pilgrims Pride Corporation Political
Action Committee, Inc. |
2,500 |
|
Cotton Warehouse Government Relations
Committee |
2,500 |
|
Producers Rice Mill, Inc. PAC |
3,000 |
|
United Fresh Produce Association
Fresh
Political Action Committee |
3,000 |
|
Grocery Manufacturers Association
Political Action Committee |
3,000 |
|
Tyson Foods, Inc. Political Action
Committee |
3,000 |
|
American Association of Crop Insurers
Political Action Committee |
3,000 |
|
Ice Cream Milk & Cheese PAC
|
3,000 |
|
USA Rice Federation PAC |
3,500 |
|
R. J. Reynolds Political Action
Committee |
4,000 |
|
Food Marketing Institute Political
Action Committee |
4,000 |
|
Riceland Foods, Inc. Political Action
Committee |
4,500 |
|
United Egg Association EGGPAC |
5,000 |
|
American Peanut Shellers Association
Political Action Committee
|
5,000 |
|
California Dairies Federal Political
Action Committee |
10,000 |
|
|
|
NOTE: the above list is a small subset
of the total PAC contributions received by the Chambliss campaign.
See:
May 13, 2008 article of Jim Wooten of The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
|